An Access Advertising EconBrief:
All Sides Go Off Half-Cocked in the Ferguson, MO Shooting
By now most of America must wonder secretly whether the door to race relations is marked “Abandon all hope, ye who enter here.” Blacks – mostly teenagers and young adults, except for those caught in the crossfire – are shot dead every day throughout the country by other blacks in private quarrels, drug deals gone bad and various attempted crimes. Murder is the leading cause of death for young black males in America. We are inured to this. But the relative exception of a black youth killed by a white man causes all hell to break loose – purely on the basis of the racial identities of the principals.
The latest chilling proof of this racial theorem comes from Ferguson, MO, the St. Louis suburb where a policeman shot and killed an unarmed 18-year-old black man on Monday. The fact that the shooter is a policeman reinforces the need for careful investigation and unflinching analysis of the issues involved. The constant intrusion of racial identity is a mountainous obstacle to this process.
The Two Sides to the Story, As Originally Told
The shooting occurred on Saturday afternoon, August 9, 2014, in Ferguson, MO, where 14,000 of the 21,000 inhabitants are black and 50 of 53 assigned St. Louis County Police officers are white. The two sides of the story are summarized in an Associated Press story carrying the byline of Jim Suhr and carried on MSN News 08/13/2014. “Police have said the shooting happened after an [then-unnamed] officer encountered 18-year-old Michael Brown and another man on the street. They say one of the men pushed the officer into his squad car, then physically assaulted him in the vehicle and struggled with the officer over the officer’s weapon. At least one shot was fired inside the car. The struggle then spilled onto the street, where Brown was shot multiple times. In their initial news conference about the shooting, police didn’t specify whether Brown was the person who scuffled with the officer in the car and have refused to clarify their account.”
“Jackson said Wednesday that the officer involved sustained swelling facial injuries.”
“Dorian Johnson, who says he was with Brown when the shooting happened, has told a much different story. He has told media outlets that the officer ordered them out of the street, then tried to open his door so close to the men that it ‘ricocheted’ back, apparently upsetting the officer. Johnson says the officer grabbed his friend’s neck, then tried to pull him into the car before brandishing his weapon and firing. He says Brown started to run and the officer pursued him, firing multiple times. Johnson and another witness both say Brown was on the street with his hands raised when the officer fired at him repeatedly.”
The Reaction by Local Blacks: Protests and Violence
When a white citizen is shot by police under questionable circumstances – an occurrence that is happening with disturbing frequency – the incident is not ignored. But the consequent public alarm is subdued and contained within prescribed channels. Newspapers editorialize. Public figures express concern. Private citizens protest by writing or proclaiming their discontent.
The stylized reaction to a white-on-black incident like the one in Ferguson is quite different. Ever since the civil-rights era that began in the 1950s, these incidents are treated as presumptive civil-rights violations; that is, they are treated as crimes committed because the victim was black. Black “leaders” bemoan the continuing victim status of blacks, viewing the incident as more proof of same – the latest in an ongoing, presumably never-ending, saga of brutalization of blacks by whites. “Some civil-rights leaders have drawn comparisons between Brown’s death and that of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin.”
Rank-and-file blacks gather and march in protest, holding placards and chanting slogans tailored to the occasion. “Some protestors… raised their arms above their heads as they faced the police… The most popular chant has been ‘Hands up! Don’t shoot!'”
Most striking of all is the contrast struck by headlines like “Protests Turn Violent in St. Louis Suburb.” There is no non-black analogue to behavior like this: “Protests in the St. Louis suburb turned violent Wednesday night, with people lobbing Molotov cocktails at police, who responded with smoke bombs and tear gas to disperse the crowd.” This is a repetition of behavior begun in the 1960s, when massive riots set the urban ghettos of Harlem, Philadelphia and Detroit afire.
Joseph Epstein Weighs In
The critic and essayist Joseph Epstein belongs on the short list of the most trenchant thinkers and writers in the English language. His pellucid prose has illumined subjects ranging from American education to gossip political correctness to Fred Astaire. The utter intractability of race in America is demonstrated irrefutably by the fact that the subject reduced Epstein to feeble pastiche.
In his Wall Street Journal op-ed “What’s Missing in Ferguson, MO.”(The Wall Street Journal, Wednesday, August 13, 2014), Epstein notes the stylized character of the episode: “…the inconsolable mother, the testimony of the dead teenager’s friends to his innocence, the aunts and cousins chiming in, the police chief’s promise of a thorough investigation… The same lawyer who represented the [Trayvon] Martin family, it was announced, is going to take this case.”
But according to Epstein, the big problem is that it isn’t stylized enough. “Missing… was the calming voice of a national civil-rights leader of the kind that was so impressive during the 1950s and ’60s. In those days there was Martin Luther King Jr…. Roy Wilkins… Whitney Young… Bayard Rustin…. – all solid, serious men, each impressive in different ways, who through dignified forbearance and strategic action, brought down a body of unequivocally immoral laws aimed at America’s black population.”
But they are long dead. “None has been replaced by men of anywhere near the same caliber. In their place today there is only Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton…One of the small accomplishments of President Obama has been to keep both of these men from becoming associated with the White House.” Today, the overriding problem facing blacks is that “no black leader has come forth to set out a program for progress for the substantial part of the black population that has remained for generations in the slough of poverty, crime and despair.”
Wait just a minute here. What about President Obama? He is, after all, a black man himself. That was ostensibly the great, momentous breakthrough of his election – the elevation of a black man to the Presidency of the United States. This was supposed to break the racial logjam once and for all. If a black man occupying the Presidency couldn’t lead the black underclass to the Promised Land, who could?
No, according to Epstein, it turns out that “President Obama, as leader of all the people, is not well positioned for the job of leading the black population that finds itself mired in despond.” Oh. Why not? “Someone is needed who commands the respect of his or her people, and the admiration of that vast – I would argue preponderate [sic] – number of middle-class whites who understand that progress for blacks means progress for the entire country.”
To be sure, Epstein appreciates the surrealism of the status quo. “In Chicago, where I live, much of the murder and crime… is black-on-black, and cannot be chalked up to racism, except secondarily by blaming that old hobgoblin, ‘the system.’ People march with signs reading ‘Stop the Killing,’ but everyone knows that the marching and the signs and the sweet sentiments of local clergy aren’t likely to change anything. Better education… a longer school day… more and better jobs… get the guns off the street… the absence of [black] fathers – … the old dead analyses, the pretty panaceas, are paraded. Yet nothing new is up for discussion… when Bill Cosby, Thomas Sowell or Shelby Steele… have dared to speak up about the pathologies at work… these black figures are castigated.”
The Dead Hand of “Civil Rights Movement” Thinking
When no less an eminence than Joseph Epstein sinks under the waves of cliché and outmoded rhetoric, it is a sign of rhetorical emergency: we need to burn away the deadwood of habitual thinking.
Epstein is caught in a time warp, still living out the decline and fall of Jim Crow. But that system is long gone, the men who destroyed it and those who desperately sought to preserve it alike. The Kings and Youngs and Wilkins’ and Rustins are gone just as the Pattons and Rommels and Ridgeways and MacArthurs and Montgomerys are gone. Leaders suit themselves to their times. Epstein is lamenting the fact that the generals of the last war are not around to fight this one.
Reflexively, Epstein hearkens back to the old days because they were days of triumph and progress. He is thinking about the Civil Rights Movement in exactly the same way that the political left thinks about World War II. What glorious days, when the federal government controlled every aspect of our lives and we had such a wonderful feeling of solidarity! Let’s recreate that feeling in peacetime! But those feelings were unique to wartime, when everybody subordinates their personal goals to the one common goal of winning the war. In peacetime, there is no such unitary goal because we all have our personal goals to fulfill. We may be willing to subordinate those goals temporarily to win a war but nobody wants to live that way perpetually. And the mechanisms of big government – unwieldy agencies, price and wage controls, tight security controls, etc. – may suffice to win a war against other big governments but cannot achieve prosperity and freedom in a normal peacetime environment.
In the days of Civil Rights, blacks were a collective, a clan, a tribe. This made practical, logistical sense because the Jim Crow laws treated blacks as a unit. It was a successful strategic move to close ranks in solidarity and choose leaders to speak for all. In effect, blacks were forming a political cartel to counter the political setbacks they had been dealt. That is to say, they were bargaining with government as a unit and consenting to be assigned rights as a collective (a “minority”) rather than as free individuals. In social science terms, they were what F. A. Hayek called a “social whole,” whose constituent individual parts were obliterated and amalgamated into the opaque unitary aggregate. This dangerous strategy has since come back to haunt them by obscuring the reality of black individualism.
Consider Epstein’s position. Indian tribes once sent their chief – one who earned respect as an elder, religious leader or military captain, what anthropologists called a “big man” – to Washington for meetings with the Great White Father. Now, Epstein wants to restore the Civil Rights days when black leaders analogously spoke out for their tribal flock. Traditionally, the fate of individuals in aboriginal societies is governed largely by the wishes of the “big man” or leader, not by their own independent actions. This would be unthinkable for (say) whites; when was the last time you heard a call for a George Washington, Henry Ford or Bill Gates to lead the white underclass out of its malaise?
In fact, this kind of thinking was already anachronistic in Epstein’s Golden Age, the heyday of Civil Rights. Many blacks recognized the trap they were headed towards, but took the path of least resistance because it seemed the shortest route to killing off Jim Crow. Now we can see the pitiful result of this sort of collective thinking.
An 18-year-old black male is killed by a police officer under highly suspicious circumstances. Is the focus on criminal justice, on the veracity of the police account, on the evidence of a crime? Is the inherent danger of a monopoly bureaucracy investigating itself and exercising military powers over its constituency highlighted? Not at all.
Instead, the same old racial demons are summoned from the closet using the same ritual incantations. Local blacks quickly turn a candlelight protest vigil into a violent riot. Uh oh – it looks like the natives are getting restless; too much firewater at the vigil, probably. Joseph Epstein bemoans the lack of a chieftain who can speak for them. No, wait – the Great Black Father in Washington has come forward to chastise the violent and exalt the meek and the humble. His lieutenant Nixon has sent a black chief to comfort his brothers. (On Thursday, Missouri Governor Jay Nixon sent Missouri Highway Patrol Captain Ron Johnson, a black man, heading a delegation of troopers to take over security duties in Ferguson.) The natives are mollified; the savage breast is soothed. “All the police did was look at us and shoot tear gas. Now we’re being treated with respect,” a native exults happily. “Now it’s up to us to ride that feeling,” another concludes. “The scene [after the Missouri Highway Patrol took over] was almost festive, with people celebrating and honking horns.” The black chief intones majestically: “We’re here to serve and protect… not to instill fear.” All is peaceful again in the village.
Is this the response Joseph Epstein was calling for? No, this is the phony-baloney, feel-good pretense that he decried, the same methods he recognized from his hometown of Chicago and now being deployed there by Obama confidant Rahm Emmanuel. The restless natives got the attention they sought. Meanwhile, lost in the festive party atmosphere was the case of Michael Brown, which wasn’t nearly as important as the rioters’ egos that needed stroking.
But the Highway Patrol will go home and the St. Louis County Police will be back in charge and the Michael Brown case will have to be resolved. Some six days after the event, the police finally got around to revealing pertinent details of the case; namely, that Michael Brown was suspected of robbing a convenience store of $48.99 worth of boxed cigars earlier that day in a “strong-arm robbery.” Six-year veteran policeman Darren Wilson, now finally identified by authorities, was one of several officers dispatched to the scene.
Of course, the blacks in Ferguson, MO, and throughout America aren’t Indian tribesmen or rebellious children – they are nominally free American individuals with natural rights protected by the U.S. Constitution. But if they expect to be treated with respect 365 days a year they will have to stop acting like juvenile delinquents, stop delegating the protection of their rights to self-serving politicians and hustlers and start asserting the individuality they possess.
The irony of this particular case is that it affords them just that opportunity. But it demands that they shed what Epstein calls “the too-comfortable robes of victimhood.” And they will have to step out from behind the shield of the collective. The Michael Brown case is not important because “blacks” are affronted. It is important because Michael Brown was an individual American just like the whites who get shot down by police every year. If Dorian Johnson is telling the truth, Brown’s individual rights were violated just as surely whether he was black, white, yellow or chartreuse.
Policing in America Today – and the Michael Brown Case
For at least two decades, policing in America has followed two clearly discernible trends. The first of these is the deployment of paramilitary equipment, techniques and thinking. The second is a philosophy is placing the police officer’s well-being above all other considerations. Both of these trends place the welfare of police bureaucrats, employees and officers above that of their constituents in the public.
To an economist, this is a striking datum. Owners or managers of competitive firms cannot place their welfare above that of their customers; if they do, the firm will go bankrupt and cease to exist, depriving the owners of an asset (wealth) and real income and the managers of a job and real income. So what allows a police force (more specifically, the Chief of Police and his lieutenants) to do what a competitive firm cannot do? Answer: The police have a monopoly on the use of force to enforce the law. In the words of a well-known lawyer, the response to the generic question “Can the police do that?” is always “Sure they can. They have guns.”
All bureaucracies tend to be inefficient, even corrupt. But corporate bureaucracies must respond to the public and they must earn profits. So they cannot afford to ignore consumer demand. The only factor to which government bureaucracies respond is variations in their budget, which are functions of political rather than economic variables.
All of these truths are on display in this case. The police have chosen to release only a limited, self-serving account of the incident. Their version of the facts is dubious to say the least, although it could conceivably be correct. Their suppression of rioting protestors employed large, tank-like vehicles carrying officers armed with military gear, weapons and tear gas. Dorian Johnson’s account of the incident is redolent of the modern police philosophy of “self-protection first;” at the first hint of trouble, the officer’s focus is on downing anybody who might conceivable offer resistance, armed or not, dangerous or not.
What does all this have to do with the racial identities of the principals? Absolutely nothing. Oh, it’s barely possible that officer Wilson might have harbored some racial animosity toward Brown or blacks in general. But it’s really quite irrelevant because white-on-black, white-on-white and black-on-white police incidents have cropped up from sea to shining sea in recent years. Indeed, this is an issue that should unite the races rather than dividing them since police are not reluctant to dispatch whites (or Hispanics or Asians, for that matter). While some observers claim the apparent increase in frequency of these cases is only because of the prevalence of cell phones and video cameras, this is also irrelevant; the fact that we may be noticing more abuses now would not be a reason to decry the new technology. As always, the pertinent question is whether or not an abuse of power took place. And those interested in the answer to that question, which should be every American, will have to contend with the unpromising prospect of a police department – a monopoly bureaucracy – investigating itself.
That is the very real national problem festering in Ferguson, MO – not a civil-rights problem, but a civil-wrongs problem.
The Battle Lines
Traditionally, ever since the left-wing counterculture demonized police as “pigs” in the 1960s, the right wing has reflexively supported the police and opposed those who criticized them. Indeed, some of this opposition to the police has been politically tendentious. But the right wing’s general stance is wrongheaded for two powerful reasons.
First, support for law enforcement itself has become progressively less equated to support for the Rule of Law. The number and scope of laws has become so large and excessive that support for the Rule of Law would actually require opposition to the existing body of statutory law.
Second, the monopoly status of the police has enabled them to become so abusive that they now threaten everybody, not merely the politically powerless. Considering the general decrease in crime rates driven by demographic factors, it is an open question whether most people are more threatened by criminals or by abusive police.
Even a bastion of neo-conservatism like The Wall Street Journal is becoming restive at the rampant exercise of monopoly power by police. Consider these excerpts from the unsigned editorial, “The Ferguson Exception,” on Friday, August 15, 2014: “One irony of Ferguson is that liberals have discovered an exercise of government power that they don’t support. Plenary police powers are vast, and law enforcement holds a public trust to use them in proportion to the threats. The Ferguson police must prevent rioting and looting and protect their own safety, though it is reasonable to wonder when law enforcement became a paramilitary operation [emphasis added]. The sniper rifles, black armored convoys and waves of tear gas deployed across Ferguson neighborhoods are jarring in a free society…Police contracts also build in bureaucratic privileges that would never be extended to other suspects. The Ferguson police department has refused to… supply basic information about the circumstances and status of the investigation [that], if it hasn’t been botched already, might help cool passions… how is anyone supposed to draw a conclusion one way or the other without any knowledge of what happened that afternoon?”
The Tunnel… and the Crack of Light at the End
The pair of editorial reactions in The Wall Street Journal typifies the alternatives open to those caught in the toils of America’s racial strife. We can play the same loop over and over again in such august company as Joseph Epstein. Or we can dunk ourselves in ice water, wake up and smell the coffee – and find ourselves rubbing shoulders with the Journal editors.